Mifdal Zusron Alfaqi*
| Moh Fadli | Alfi Haris Wanto | Tjahjanulin Domai
© 2026 The authors. This article is published by IIETA and is licensed under the CC BY 4.0 license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
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The cultural reproduction of the Cireundeu indigenous community constitutes a dynamic process through which values, social practices, and cultural symbols are transmitted and transformed to sustain socio-cultural resilience amid modernization pressures. This study addresses a critical gap in the literature by empirically specifying how micro-level cultural practices translate into measurable resilience outcomes in an adaptive indigenous context. Using a phenomenological approach, data were collected through in-depth interviews, participant observation, and documentation involving 8 informants (N = 8; 3 key informants and 5 supporting informants). Data were analyzed using NVivo through open, axial, and thematic coding. The analysis generated 12 first-order themes, which were synthesized into three core resilience components: (1) cultural reproduction mechanisms, (2) adaptive resilience strategies, and (3) socio-ecological foundations. Findings reveal that cultural reproduction operates through value internalization, everyday cultural practices, and adaptive reinterpretation, producing resilience reflected in identity stability, ecological sustainability, symbolic-political resistance, and local food independence. This study advances the field by proposing the Cireundeu Cultural Reproduction Model, offering a novel, empirically grounded framework that integrates cultural, adaptive, and ecological dimensions of resilience, contributing to broader debates on indigenous sustainability in rapidly changing socio-cultural contexts.
cultural reproduction, socio-cultural resilience, Cireundeu indigenous community
The sustainability of indigenous cultures is increasingly shaped by complex social, political, and ecological dynamics [1, 2]. Cultural structures passed down from generation to generation never stand without challenges, especially when indigenous communities face the expansion of modernity, spatial changes, technological penetration, and regulatory uncertainty. Bourdieu's [3] theory of cultural reproduction provides a powerful analytical tool for understanding how habitus, capital, and the realm work together to sustain social structures. Habitus as a historical disposition, cultural capital as inherited knowledge and skills, and realm as an arena for symbolic struggle, produce social practices that shape collective identity [3, 4]. The Cireundeu indigenous community is a concrete example of how these three components work simultaneously. The interaction of Cireundeu's local values with social change demonstrates a non-static pattern of cultural reproduction [5]. The practice of constellation-making, customary forest maintenance, annual rituals, and informal intergenerational education illustrates the consistent inheritance of habitus. Cultural capital in the form of pesticide-free farming skills, manure utilization, village spatial planning, and an understanding of the sacredness of nature are continuously transmitted.
The cultural landscape of Cireundeu also reveals power relations, as the community faces external pressures, including land conversion, new housing developments, and forestry policies that may reduce its living space. Bourdieu's [3] concept of symbolic domination is evident in national food standards that focus on rice, which marginalize RASI as a traditional food practice. The Cireundeu community's resistance through strengthening local food identities demonstrates symbolic practices that affirm their cultural existence and autonomy. Abdullah et al. [6] expanded our understanding of cultural reproduction through mechanisms such as education, family, social agents, media, adaptation, and resistance. This perspective is relevant to how the Cireundeu community manages external influences. The process of intercultural interaction, the involvement of tourists and academics, and the use of social media demonstrate adaptive work that does not eliminate the community's fundamental identity [7-10]. The cultural convergence described by Abdullah et al. [6] is evident in how the community processes new interactions into forms of cultural reinforcement, rather than threats. This success demonstrates that cultural reproduction is a strategy for socio-cultural resilience, not simply the inheritance of tradition.
Previous research has shown a strong tendency toward two main focuses. First, descriptive cultural conservation research focus on the preservation of rituals, cultural education, or the revitalization of traditional practices [11]. Second, research that connects culture with ecology, such as Wiradimadja in Kampung Naga or Zapico in the Philippine agro-ecosystem [12]. These studies are important, but they do not yet explain the direct relationship between cultural reproduction and socio-cultural resilience. There has been no research that comprehensively integrates Bourdieu [3] and Abdullah et al.'s [6] theories of cultural reproduction in analyzing the Cireundeu indigenous community, including its implications for socio-cultural resilience as a national resilience element. Previous research has not yet developed a conceptual model that describes how habitus, capital, and domain produce the cultural resilience of indigenous communities amid changing times. The absence of this model is both a theoretical gap and a scientific urgency that underlies the research [13, 14].
The urgency of research is further strengthened by observing the dynamics of customary law community regulations. The Constitutional Court Decision 35/2012 does indeed emphasize that customary forests are not state forests, but its implementation still leaves behind real issues of recognition and protection at the local level. The Cireundeu community faces pressure from spatial planning and land conversion that could reduce customary space [15]. This condition positions cultural reproduction not only as a mechanism for inheriting values, but also as a survival strategy in the face of structural change [16]. The socio-cultural resilience of indigenous communities cannot be understood merely as preservation; it must be seen as an adaptive system that operates through cultural practices [17]. This research is important for explaining the nature of the cultural reproduction of the Cireundeu community as a foundation for socio-cultural resilience, identifying its implications, and formulating a conceptual model that can strengthen the study of socio-cultural resilience in contemporary social sciences. The objectives of this research include: (1) Examining the cultural reproduction of the Cireundeu indigenous community as a form of socio-cultural resilience; (2) Finding the implications of this cultural reproduction for socio-cultural resilience; (3) Presenting a model of the cultural reproduction of the Cireundeu community formulated as a form of socio-cultural resilience.
2.1 Research design
This study employs a qualitative phenomenological approach to explore the lived experiences of the Cireundeu indigenous community in reproducing cultural practices as a mechanism of socio-cultural resilience. Phenomenology is used to capture how cultural actors interpret, internalize, and enact cultural values in everyday life. To strengthen the theoretical foundation, a Systematic Literature Review (SLR) was conducted following the PRISMA protocol, ensuring a transparent process of identification, screening, eligibility, and inclusion of relevant studies on cultural reproduction, socio-cultural resilience, and indigenous communities. In the next stage, the phenomenological steps are carried out with in-depth interviews, observations and recording of keywords which are then processed in the NVivo 12 application (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Research method flow based on Miles Huberman's Theory
2.2 Participants
The study involved 8 informants (N = 8), consisting of 3 key informants (traditional leaders and central cultural actors) and 5 supporting informants (community members and youth). Informants were selected using purposive sampling, based on criteria including: (1) active involvement in cultural practices, (2) knowledge of local traditions, and (3) representation of different social roles within the community. This selection ensured rich, experience-based insights into cultural reproduction processes (Table 1).
Table 1. List of participants (processed by NVivo 12)
|
NVivo Coding |
Gender |
Attribute |
|
Case 1 |
Male |
Key informant |
|
Case 2 |
Male |
Key informant |
|
Case 3 |
Male |
Supporting Informant |
|
Case 4 |
Female |
Supporting Informant |
|
Case 5 |
Male |
Supporting Informant |
|
Case 6 |
Female |
Supporting Informant |
|
Case 7 |
Male |
Supporting Informant |
|
Case 8 |
Female |
Supporting Informant |
2.3 Data collection
Data were collected through in-depth interviews, participant observation, and documentation. Interviews were conducted directly by the primary researcher using a semi-structured guide, allowing flexibility to explore informants’ subjective experiences. Observations were carried out in natural settings, including daily activities, cultural rituals, and community gatherings, to capture the enactment of habitus and cultural practices. Documentation included field notes, photographs, and relevant cultural records. Each interview lasted approximately 45–90 minutes and was audio-recorded with consent.
2.4 Data analysis
Data were analyzed using NVivo 12 through a systematic coding process consisting of open coding, axial coding, and thematic analysis. The analysis generated 12 first-order themes, which were further synthesized into broader conceptual categories. To ensure analytical rigor, coding reliability was strengthened through iterative cross-checking, peer debriefing, and maintaining an audit trail linking raw data to emerging themes.
In parallel, the SLR was conducted using databases such as Scopus, with search strings including combinations of “cultural reproduction,” “socio-cultural resilience,” and “indigenous communities.” The search process is carried out with a combination of keywords and Boolean operators as follows:
("cultural resilience" OR "cultural sustainability" OR "cultural adaptation" OR "cultural preservation") AND ("community" OR "society" OR "group" OR "population") AND ("identity" OR "heritage" OR "tradition" OR "values") AND ("adaptation" OR "response" OR "recovery" OR "transformation") AND ("disaster" OR "crisis" OR "change" OR "challenge")
The integration of empirical findings, NVivo outputs, and SLR results enabled a robust interpretation of cultural reproduction as a mechanism of socio-cultural resilience.
3.1 Cultural reproduction of the Cireundeu indigenous community as socio-cultural resilience
The cultural reproduction of the Cireundeu indigenous community demonstrates a pattern of inheritance of values, practices, and symbols grounded in communal habitus. Habitus is reflected in lifestyles based on local RASI food, social interaction patterns, village spatial planning, and attachment to customary forests [3, 18, 19]. Two of the key informants said that although modernization is unstoppable, cultural reproduction is still carried out by holding on to ancestral traditions. Traditional leaders (case 2) said:
"We as an indigenous people have to eat consi, we don't dare not eat consi, for the Cireundeu people if they eat rice, it is a sin to the ancestors, we have to ceremonie, apologize, otherwise their lives can be ruined" (Case 2, male, from Cireundeu)
Cultural capital emerges from the ability to process traditional foods, to hold ecological knowledge, to master ritual, and to maintain environmental balance. The cultural realm is formed through symbolic arenas where customary values are negotiated through internal and external interactions [11, 20]. Cultural reproduction practices are seen in three main domains. The spiritual realm emerges through annual rituals, the reading of ancestral values, and the interpretation of sacred spaces. The ecological realm is evident in customary forest management, pesticide-free agriculture, and hereditary land use systems.
This is a process of cultural transmission that runs through the internalization of values and is manifested through daily life practices, as stated by supporting informant 3 (case 5) as follows:
“... Culture is not just about ceremonies or rituals, but we live in it every day... has become a habit...” (case 5, male, youth figure from Cireundeu).
The social realm is shaped by deliberative mechanisms, intergenerational informal education, and the strengthening of local food identity. Sociocultural resilience emerges from the community's ability to maintain lifestyles, symbols, values, and group identity amid the pressures of social change [21-23]. This resilience stems from the community's ability to negotiate cultural capital and maintain the relevance of value structures. Resilience is realized through consistency of practice, symbolic adaptation, and the integration of traditional values in daily life. The following transcription from supporting informant 1 (case 3) can clarify the following situation:
“… Regarding technology, we are not against it at all. Young people here create content on TikTok or Instagram, for example about the process of making constellations or traditional arts. The goal is so that the new generation does not forget their culture. But, we are also firm in maintaining values. For example, children are taught to speak Sundanese politely and participate in traditional rituals, such as a barefoot pilgrimage to Puncak Salam. We always remind ourselves of the saying "Don't forget the origins", so that our culture is still alive even though the times are constantly changing..." (case 3, male, youth figure from Cireundeu) (Table 2)
Table 2. Findings of cultural reproduction → socio-cultural resilience
|
Aspect |
Cultural Reproduction Findings |
Impact on Socio-Cultural Resilience |
|
Habitus |
Lifestyle patterns based on constellations, rituals, traditional spatial planning |
Strengthening communal identity |
|
Cultural Capital |
Ecological knowledge, traditional cuisine |
Local food security |
|
Realm |
An arena for customary interaction, deliberation, and value education |
Stability of social structure |
|
Practice |
Rituals, organic farming, forest management |
Spiritual and ecological resilience |
Figure 2. Socio-cultural resilience
Sociocultural resilience reflects a community's ability to maintain its identity, values, and traditions amidst ever-evolving changes and challenges. The sociocultural resilience model is built not only on material aspects but also on interconnected spiritual, social, and ecological dimensions. Communities with cultural resilience maintain internal harmony, foster solidarity, and adapt to change without losing their identity. Cultural resilience is illustrated in Figure 2.
The model shows that socio-cultural resilience is formed from the interaction between social solidarity and local wisdom. In the indigenous people of Cireundeu, social solidarity strengthens cohesion through deliberation, communal relations, and informal education between generations, thereby maintaining the continuity of collective values and identity. The impact can be seen in the formation of sustainability principles, especially in ecological practices such as organic agriculture and the preservation of customary forests.
Meanwhile, local wisdom is a source of knowledge that guides life practices, such as the constellation food system and spiritual values towards nature. These two aspects are linked through a process of adaptation and integration, which allows society to respond to modernization without losing identity. In line with the SIRUBA-C model, socio-cultural resilience is formed through dynamic cultural reproduction—through the internalization of values, daily practices, and the sustainable reinterpretation of meaning.
3.2 Implications of cultural reproduction for socio-cultural resilience
The implications of cultural reproduction for socio-cultural resilience are evident in five main dimensions (Table 3). The identity dimension demonstrates that cultural practices strengthen collective awareness as an indigenous community with its own history, values, and symbols [6, 12, 16]. The spiritual dimension demonstrates a strong attachment to ancestors through rituals that reinforce the meaning of life and moral orientation. The ecological dimension demonstrates that land and forest management patterns build environmental resilience, supporting sustainability. The economic dimension demonstrates resilience through the consistency of local food that does not depend on rice. The social dimension ensures the sustainability of values through intergenerational cultural education mechanisms. The implications of cultural reproduction also demonstrate the community's ability to face external pressures in the form of spatial changes, development expansion, and modernization. The process of value reproduction enables the community to build cultural resistance by strengthening symbols, narratives, and identities [4, 24, 25]. This resistance gives rise to adaptive and reflective cultural resilience. Analysis shows that the Cireundeu community utilizes cultural reproduction as a tool to maintain living space, customary legitimacy, and symbolic position within the regional social structure. Socio-cultural resilience is built through a synergistic relationship between values, experiences, and practices that are consistently reproduced.
Table 3. Implications of cultural reproduction for socio-cultural resilience
|
Dimensions of Resilience |
Implications of Cultural Reproduction |
|
Identity |
Strengthening collective awareness of customs |
|
Spiritual |
Stability of values and moral orientation |
|
Ecological |
Sustainability of customary forests and agriculture |
|
Economy |
Food independence based on race |
|
Social |
Inheritance of values through informal education |
|
Political-Symbolic |
Resistance to external pressure |
3.3 The cultural reproduction model of the Cireundeu indigenous community as a form of socio-cultural resilience
The cultural reproduction model of the Cireundeu indigenous community comprises the habitus-capital-domain relationship described by Bourdieu [3], as well as mechanisms of value inheritance, cultural negotiation, and adaptation, as explained by Abdullah et al. [6]. The model shows that cultural reproduction does not occur linearly but moves through a dynamic cycle of internalization, symbolic practices, and rearticulation of meaning. The process of internalizing values occurs through intergenerational transmission, informal education, and the familiarization with cultural practices. The process of cultural practices is evident in rituals, customary forest management, RASI consumption patterns, and village spatial planning. Figure 3 shows one of the elements of cultural reproduction that is manifested in the culinary culture of Rasi. Table 4 outlines the key components of the SIRUBA-C model and their respective impacts on resilience.
Table 4. Components of the SIRUBA-C model
|
Model Components |
Description |
Impact on Resilience |
|
Internalization of Values |
Intergenerational transmission, indigenous education |
Stability of value |
|
Cultural Practices |
Ritual, organic farming, constellation |
Socio-ecological sustainability |
|
Rearticulation of Meaning |
Symbolic adaptation to modernity |
Adaptive resilience |
|
Customary Social Structure |
Deliberation, traditional leaders, and social cohesion |
Communal order |
|
Indigenous Environment |
Customary forests, spatial planning, sacred spaces |
Ecological resilience |
The process of rearticulation of meaning occurs when the community responds to external changes by adapting customary symbols to remain relevant [26, 27]. These three processes form a cycle of cultural reproduction that gives rise to stable yet adaptive socio-cultural resilience. This model depicts cultural resilience as the result of continuous interactions between values, practices, and social structures. Resilience is not seen as a static state, but as an active process of maintaining the meaning of life, customary spaces, and community identity.
Figure 4. SIRUBA-C model adaptation from Bourdieu's concept
The Cireundeu Contextual Cultural Reproduction Spiral Model (SIRUBA-C) was developed as a visual-conceptual framework that represents the process of cultural inheritance, emphasizing the dynamics of adaptation and continuity of local values. The spiral model depicts how culture is repeatedly reproduced but develops from generation to generation through three principal interrelated axes, with each generation not only inheriting the values of its predecessors but also actively reinterpreting and adapting them to the contemporary context. Figure 4 is a visualization of SIRUBA-C.
Through the SIRUBA-C spiral, the process of internalization to objectification is visualized as a flow that constructs and institutionalizes meaning socially, through the delivery of narratives, cultural symbolization, and collective actions across generations. The advanced stages in the model, namely negotiation and reflective transformation, reflect how the people of Cireundeu are not passive in the face of change, but actively select, adjust, and even transform their cultural values in the face of modernization, majority religion, media, and cultural tourism flows. Such media and technology can be both a challenge and an opportunity as community heritage groups in Lewis and Portsoy (a rural area in Scotland) are adopting technologies such as social media and the use of digital archives as they are seen as a solution to keep cultural heritage relevant and accessible to future generations as well as to build interaction with other communities [24, 28]. Stuart Hall's theory of cultural representation is particularly relevant to identity struggles and contested objects involving indigenous peoples. Hall sees culture as an arena of representation, a battleground where identity is constantly negotiated and never final [2, 25]. The cultural representation of indigenous peoples is not only owned by their communities but also becomes an object of contestation in the public space, both by the media and the state.
The Spiral of Cultural Reproduction Theory (SIRUBA-C) states that cultural reproduction is not a linear but a circular process through the stages of internalization → externalization → objectivation → reinternalization, thus enabling value consistency and adaptation to changing socio-ecological contexts. This thinking aligns with the dynamic model of cultural reproduction, which emphasizes how cultural capital is inherited and manifested in family practices and institutions, and how the accumulation of this capital influences the social opportunities of subsequent generations [25, 28].
The link between the spiral and Bourdieu's [3] framework lies in the mechanisms of disposition formation (habitus), practice, and institutionalization of cultural capital: the internalization stage explains the formation of embodied habitus, externalization and objectivation describe the manifestation of habitus as social practices that then form institutionalized cultural capital, while reinternalization shows how habitus is reproduced or recontextualized when the field changes [29, 30]. This approach is also supported by empirical studies applying Bourdieu's [3] framework to the school context, demonstrating how home and school institutional variables reproduce inequality through the transmission of cultural capital.
Conceptually, the integration of SIRUBA-C and Bourdieu [3] emphasizes that cultural preservation and transformation occur through a dialectic between internal dispositions (habitus) and external conditions (field). Therefore, policy interventions or practices for cultural preservation must consider both internal community processes (informal education, rituals, family) and external structures (schools, policies, tourism markets) to preserve not only form but also its meaning and social function [31, 32]. The findings from Bourdieu's [3] application to education emphasize the need for a multilevel approach—considering family, school, and policy—to understand how culture is reproduced and transformed (Table 5).
Table 5. Comparative table: Spiral model of cultural reproduction vs. Bourdieu’s theory
|
Theoretical Aspect |
Spiral Model of Cultural Reproduction (SIRUBA-C) |
Bourdieu’s Theory (Habitus-Field-Capital) |
|
Core Concept |
Culture evolves through a spiral process: internalization → externalization → objectivation → reinternalization. |
Social practices arise from the interaction between habitus, capital, and field. |
|
Nature of the Process |
Dynamic, cyclical, adaptive; non-linear. |
Structured yet flexible; shaped by agents’ positions within the field. |
|
Internalization of Values |
Values are implicitly instilled through lived experience, family life, and rituals; they are foundational to the spiral. |
Habitus internalizes social structures through past experiences and early socialization. |
|
Externalization of Practice |
Cultural values are expressed in behavior, language, rituals, and collective actions. |
Habitus manifests as stable yet context-responsive social practices. |
|
Objectivation / Institutionalization |
Cultural values become institutionalized as symbols, traditions, and collective narratives. |
Repeated practices generate objective structures and accumulate cultural capital. |
|
Reinternalization |
Institutionalized values are absorbed by new generations within new socio-ecological contexts, leading to adaptation. |
Habitus is reproduced within a changing field, allowing shifts in dispositions. |
|
Relation to External Context |
Influenced by modernization, tourism, state policy, media, and technological change. |
The field embodies external forces (institutions, power relations, norms) that shape opportunities and constraints. |
|
Agency-Structure Interaction |
Shows reciprocal interaction between internal community values and external social-ecological dynamics. |
Illustrates a dialectical relationship between habitus (agency) and field (structure). |
|
Cultural Change |
Occurs through negotiation, reflexive adaptation, and cultural transformation. |
Occurs when habitus encounters new field conditions or when the distribution of capital shifts. |
|
Role of Environment / Ecology |
Central to the model (ethics of living in harmony with nature). |
Not a primary focus, but can be conceptualized as part of the field. |
|
Main Analytical Focus |
Long-term processes of cultural reproduction within local communities. |
Mechanisms shaping social practices and power relations across social fields. |
|
Primary Unit of Analysis |
Community and cultural value cycles. |
Individuals, groups, and their relational positions within fields. |
|
Theoretical Purpose |
To explain how culture is continuously reproduced, preserved, and adapted. |
To analyze how practices emerge from the interplay of habitus, capital, and structural forces. |
This study concludes that cultural reproduction in the indigenous people of Cireundeu is a dynamic process that forms socio-cultural resilience through cycles of internalization of values, cultural practices, and rearticulation of meaning. Resilience is not understood as a result of static preservation, but as an adaptive process that allows communities to maintain identity, ecological sustainability, and food independence amid the pressures of modernization. These findings confirm that everyday practices—such as rituals, local food systems, and customary forest management—play a direct role in producing tangible resilience outcomes.
In contrast to previous literature that tends to be descriptive or only highlights one dimension (culture or ecology), this study makes a new contribution by integrating the Bourdieu [3] framework (habitus, capital, domain) and the perspective of adaptive cultural reproduction into the SIRUBA-C spiral model. A key novelty lies in the model's ability to explain the causal relationship between micro practices (daily life) and macro outcomes (socio-cultural resilience), and to show that cultural reproduction is non-linear, reflective, and evolving. Thus, this study fills a theoretical gap in explaining how culture is not only inherited, but also transformed as a survival strategy.
The implication is that it is not enough for policy and development approaches to focus on formal cultural preservation, but they must understand the internal mechanisms of communities in reproducing values and practices. The SIRUBA-C model offers an applicative framework that places communities as active actors in the adaptation process, so external interventions need to be contextual, participatory, and sensitive to local dynamics. By emphasizing the differentiating aspect of previous studies, this study reinforces the position that socio-cultural resilience is the result of the ongoing interaction between collectively negotiated values, practices, and social changes.
For further research, it is recommended to test the SIRUBA-C model in the context of other indigenous communities with different socio-ecological characteristics to test the external validity and generalization of the model. In addition, a mixed methods or quantitative approach can be developed to measure more precisely the relationship between cultural reproduction variables and socio-cultural resilience indicators. Longitudinal research is also important to capture the dynamics of intergenerational change, particularly in response to digitalization, tourism, and policy pressures. Thus, the future development of studies not only expands the empirical scope, but also strengthens the comparative and predictive basis of culture-based resilience models.
|
SIRUBA-C |
Spiral Indigenous Cultural Reproduction Model of Cireundeu |
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