Aldri Frinaldi*
| Lince Magriasti | Karjuni Dt. Maani | Irvan Renaldi | Boni Saputra | Adil Mubarak
© 2026 The authors. This article is published by IIETA and is licensed under the CC BY 4.0 license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
OPEN ACCESS
Community-Based Rural Tourism (CBRT) is often promoted as a sustainable development strategy, but conflicts often arise when land use for economic purposes intersects with sacred cultural spaces. Conventional top-down spatial planning often fails to resolve these tensions in indigenous communities. This study examines how the Minangkabau community in Kapalo Banda Taram, Indonesia, uses deliberative consensus as an alternative planning mechanism to align religious integrity with tourism development. Using a qualitative case study approach, this study analyzes community governance structures, land use strategies, and ecological philosophies. The findings identified three main planning instruments: (1) deliberative consensus institutionalized as a local planning authority; (2) strict spatial zoning that separates the sacred area (Surau Tuo) from the recreational area (Kapalo Banda) to prevent land use conflicts; and (3) integration of community-based local economies into village development planning. The study concludes that indigenous institutions can serve as effective grassroots planning bodies, offering a robust model for sustainable rural development that prioritizes cultural preservation alongside economic growth.
Community-Based Rural Tourism, indigenous deliberation, land-use zoning, sacred space, sustainable rural development
Rural tourism is globally promoted as a fundamental strategy for economic development and poverty alleviation, especially in developing countries [1]. By utilizing unique natural and cultural assets, rural communities aim to improve local well-being. However, the rapid expansion of tourism often creates fundamental tensions with the economic demands of the tourism industry, which are often at odds with the integrity of the socio-cultural and religious order of local communities [2]. Without careful governance, market-driven approaches can lead to cultural commodification, environmental degradation, and significant social conflict, especially in communities with strong indigenous and religious identities [3]. This phenomenon highlights the persistent governance challenges in striking a balance among spiritual needs, cultural preservation, and the exploitative demands of the tourism industry.
In response to these challenges, Community-Based Tourism (CBT) and its rural variant (Community-Based Rural Tourism (CBRT)) have emerged as the dominant solution [4]. Theoretically, this model places communities as key decision-making actors for authentic participation and equitable distribution of benefits [5]. However, a critical limitation remains in the existing CBRT framework, namely, the failure to provide a clear governance mechanism to balance the deep communal value conflicts of local communities [6]. Often, "participation" is reduced to operational involvement without giving the community authentic control over the direction of development [7].
Furthermore, it is related to studies that focus on spatial zoning and tourism revenue management, such as in Nglanggeran, Gunungkidul, Indonesia; Hoi An, Vietnam; and villages in Mexico, but most of them are descriptive and lack emphasis on the systematic redistribution of socio-spiritual benefits and cultural resilience [8-10]. This suggests that while participation is recognized as important, there is still little research outlining how communities can proactively manage space zoning, income, and cultural-spiritual resilience simultaneously.
This study examines the unique case of the Kapalo Banda Taram Tourism Village in West Sumatra, Indonesia, which differs from the general trend in which tourism often erodes local values. The Minangkabau community, which adheres to Islamic principles, has succeeded in creating a balance between economic development, religious integrity, and local traditions [11]. In a global context, the integration of local cultures to attract tourists often fuels conflicts of interest, power struggles, and disregard for community life, as reported in Russia and Bali. The influx of tourists can be in direct conflict with conservative ritualistic practices or pose practical problems, such as overcrowding and spatial conflicts [12-14].
In Kapalo Tourism Village, located in Banda Taram, the local socio-ecological system is shaped by the confluence of two dammed rivers. This unique system serves as both a foundation for livelihoods and a tourist attraction. The main contribution of this research is the development of an empirically testable governance framework. This framework encompasses aspects such as customary deliberation, strategic spatial zoning, revenue management, and the redistribution of local values. This approach sets this study apart from previous CBT literature, which tends to focus on broader participation without clearly defined mechanisms for deliberative and spatial planning.
The study proposes participatory spatial planning and demonstrates how indigenous peoples' deliberative practices strengthen social, ecological, and spiritual resilience while addressing collaborative challenges in rural tourism management. The novelty of the research lies in the development of an empirically testable mechanism for how communities use customary deliberation, strategic zoning, and local income redistribution to maintain a balance among economic development, religious values, and cultural traditions. Thus, this study not only describes participation but also offers evidence-based governance models that can be replicated or tested in other contexts, addressing the limitations of the previous literature, which rarely emphasize measures of operational sustainability, social-spiritual indicators, and the integration of digital technologies in CBRT.
2.1 Limitations of conventional Community-Based Tourism: Economic dominance and abandonment of the sacred dimension
CBT has emerged as a transformative model in the tourism sector, mainly due to its potential to improve economic well-being and promote sustainable practices at the local level [15]. This model emphasizes community engagement, which allows locals to benefit directly from tourism development, which empowers them to play an important role in managing and promoting their cultural and natural resources [16]. Current literature suggests that CBT can address issues such as poverty alleviation, community empowerment, and sustainable resource management, ultimately leading to improved livelihoods of local communities [17].
Furthermore, CBT has expanded the concept to be in a rural context, CBRT [18]. Which in the academic literature, CBRT is an alternative paradigm that opposes exploitative mass tourism [19]. Conceptually, this model is lauded for its ability to distribute economic benefits more equitably, empower local communities, and promote environmental sustainability [2]. The existing literature consistently emphasizes that the success of CBT depends on the active participation of communities in the entire tourism value chain, from planning to operational management [20]. The basic premise is that when people are given a voice and ownership, then social and cultural sustainability will automatically be guaranteed [21]. However, a critical review of contemporary literature reveals a fundamental flaw in this assumption: conventional CBT frameworks are often too secular, market-oriented, and fail to take into account sacred dimensions that cannot be commodified [22].
A major criticism of the current implementation of CBT is its tendency to reduce "culture" to mere economic assets, a process often referred to as cultural commodification [23]. Although CBRT aims to integrate tourism with rural development agendas, the pressure to meet global market demands often forces communities to adjust, or even change, their cultural and religious practices in order to be consumed by tourists [24, 25]. Studies show that without strong protection mechanisms, this market-driven approach leads to the degradation of social values and internal conflicts [26]. This tension becomes particularly acute when tourism enters spaces that are considered sacred or religious. The literature notes various cases in which tourism integration triggers violent clashes, such as the conflict of values faced by the conservative Old Religion community in Russia, or the problem of desacralization of space due to tourist overcrowding in Bali [27].
A significant theoretical gap in the CBT literature is the absence of an adequate governance framework to mediate conflicts between the sacred (religious/customary) and the profane (tourism economics). Most CBRT models focus on end results, such as increased income or the preservation of cultural artifacts, but ignore the community's internal political processes in maintaining their core values. Often, the concept of "participation" in the CBT literature is reduced to mere procedural or operational involvement, without giving communities the real political power to reject aspects of tourism that conflict with their theological or customary beliefs. As a result, existing CBT models often fail to provide solutions when there is a non-negotiable clash of values (dead price), where economic incentives cannot replace spiritual integrity. Therefore, it is necessary to shift the focus of analysis from mere "participation" to a more in-depth "value governance" mechanism.
2.2 Going beyond participation: Deliberative governance and customary deliberation
To address weaknesses in the conventional CBT model, the study adopts the perspective of Deliberative Democracy as a theoretical lens. In contrast to liberal democracy, which is often based on vote aggregation where the majority wins and the minority loses, deliberative democracy emphasizes the process of forming public will through rational, inclusive, and argumentative dialogue to achieve consensus [28]. In the context of natural resource management and tourism, deliberation theory offers a more robust framework because it allows participants to not only pursue personal (economic) interests, but also reflect on shared values (culture and religion) in public spaces [29]. However, the application of purely Western deliberative theory in the context of indigenous peoples of Asia or outside of the West often faces cultural challenges, as Western models tend to emphasize individual rationality and open debate that sometimes run counter to norms of communal harmony [30, 31].
This is where the concept comes in Indigenous Governance through the mechanism of "Deliberation" becomes crucial and distinguishes this study from the previous literature. Deliberation, especially in the context of Minangkabau society, is not just a decision-making technique, but a cultural institution rooted in philosophy: "Round water deck vessel, round word consensus" (Water becomes round because of vessels, word becomes round because of consensus). In contrast to the Western voting model, which can leave a residue of conflict (the loser), deliberation aims to achieve unanimity (consensus) where all parties feel accommodated, thereby minimizing the potential for post-decision social conflict. In the tourism literature, the role of such customary institutions is often underestimated or considered only as a ceremonial complement [32]. In fact, this mechanism has a vital function as a cultural "filter" that allows communities to select the type of tourism that suits their norms [33].
Furthermore, the literature on Indigenous Governance highlights that tourism sustainability in indigenous communities is inseparable from their local ontologies of nature and God. While modern sustainable tourism often relies on technical and secular indicators, indigenous peoples have their own "Ecological Philosophy" that views nature as a dignified subject rather than an object of exploitation. This neglect of Indigenous Knowledge Systems is what causes many CBRT projects to fail for a long time. Therefore, synthesizing the concept of CBRT with the principle of customary deliberation offers a theoretical novelty to a governance model in which economic decisions are never taken in isolation, but are always deliberated through the filter of religious and customary values that are strictly guarded by traditional leadership structures [4, 34, 35]. This approach promises a form of "Deliberative CBRT" that is able to balance the tension between tourism modernity and religious traditions, an area that has not been explored much in previous studies of cultural tourism.
3.1 Types of research
This study uses a qualitative approach with an interpretative case study design [36]. This approach was chosen to understand in depth the process, dynamics, and meaning of the development of the Kapalo Banda tourist village. Furthermore, the qualitative approach was chosen for its ability to explore social phenomena in their natural context, with a focus on understanding human behavior and interpreting meaning from the perspective of participants [37]. This approach is particularly relevant to exploring the values embraced by the people of Kapalo Banda Village, who still retain their culture and customs [38, 39]. Based on the principles of qualitative research, this research is naturalistic, where phenomena are observed and understood in their original context without significant researcher intervention, emphasizing the participant's point of view as the main source of data [40].
Data collection in this study was conducted using several methods to ensure the depth and reliability of the information obtained. The main method is an in-depth interview with key informants conducted over 3 months. The researcher conducted in-depth interviews with the designated informants and observed the activities of the community and the managers of the Kapalo Banda Tourism Village during the ongoing research activities. Furthermore, Regional Regulations, minutes of deliberative meetings, and other relevant documents are also documented to complete the secondary data.
3.2 Research location
This research is conducted in Kapalo Banda, a developing tourist destination in Nagari Taram, a village in Lima Puluh Kota Regency, West Sumatra, Indonesia. Nagari Taram is part of a cluster of tourist destinations that have significant development potential. Geographically, Kapalo Banda is about 10 kilometers from the famous Harau Valley, the district's main tourist destination, and is accessible by road, 8 kilometers from the main provincial highway. Proximity to these established attractions provides unique opportunities for tourism growth and regional development.
The selection of this location is also based on the national recognition received, namely, Nagari is said to have succeeded in developing the potential of Taram tourism with a community-based approach, as evidenced by becoming 1st place in the National Regional Level 1 Outstanding Village and Village Competition in 2019 [41]. In addition, this tourism village also received an award from the Indonesian Tourism Industry Association (GIPI), as the Best Pokdarwis (Tourism Awareness Group) I (First) at the West Sumatra Provincial Level in the framework of the 2020 GIPI AWARD [42].
These awards have sparked a significant increase in domestic tourist visits, signaling growing interest in the region and highlighting its readiness for tourism development. Kapalo Banda itself is a unique socio-ecological system, characterized by the confluence of two dammed rivers to create a vital water dam for the Kapalo Banda Taram community. The dam is the foundation for local livelihoods, supporting key economic activities such as agriculture and fisheries, while meeting daily domestic needs.
Furthermore, the Kapalo Banda tourist village in Nagari Taram has a population of 8,219 and a unique governance structure: administratively managed by the Wali Nagari (Village Head), while traditional leadership is held by 24 Niniak Mamak (respected traditional leaders) who have significant influence in local decision-making.
Nagari Taram has 7 tribes and consists of 3 villages. Nagari Taram consists of 4 niniak mamak. Taram, especially Jorong Tanjung Ateh, embraces the Caniago tribe, drawing on the richness of Nagari customs. MSMEs in Taram are pure businesses. In Kapalo Banda itself, a business or rental system is used, based on permits issued by regional voters. Outsiders from Jorong (Village) Tanjung Ateh Taram are allowed to participate in Kapalo Banda Tourism. The manager in Kapalo Banda has a Decision Letter.
3.3 Informant selection techniques and interview protocols
Furthermore, research participants were selected using purposive sampling techniques, which involve deliberately selecting informants with relevant, in-depth information about the phenomenon under study [43]. The main criterion for selecting participants was their involvement in the conflict during the period 2015-2018, until the reopening of Kapalo Banda tourism. Furthermore, most of the interviews were conducted in Indonesian and Minangkabau. The research participants comprised 14 key informants representing various stakeholder groups, including the Wali Nagari (Village Head), the Nagari secretary, the tourism manager, two religious leaders, a Niniak Mamak (respected traditional leader), a community representative, and two youth representatives. Each participant is assigned a code (P1–P14). The total interview duration per participant ranged from 60 to 90 minutes, and interviews were conducted over 3 months. The composition of these participants is designed to obtain a comprehensive picture of the conflict and its resolution process from various perspectives, reflecting the complexity of social dynamics in the Kapalo Banda society (see Table 1).
Furthermore, the interview protocol was conceptually developed based on prior research on CBRT. The research questions were formulated by exploring the existing dimensions of the CBRT concept of participation, community development, local management and sustainability (see Table 2).
Table 1. Description of the research information
|
Resource Persons |
Code |
|
Wali Nagari (Village Chief) |
P1 |
|
Village Secretary (Village Secretary) |
P2 |
|
Tourism Manager Kapalo Banda |
P3 |
|
Tomb Guard 1 (Surau Tuo) |
P4 |
|
Tomb Guard 2 (Surau Tuo) |
P5 |
|
Niniak Mamak (Respected person in the community) |
P6 |
|
Tourism Village Area Community (Farmer) |
P7 |
|
Tourism Village Area Community (Farmer) |
P8 |
|
Tourism Village Area Community (Farmer) |
P9 |
|
Traders of Kapalo Banda Tourism Village |
P10 |
|
Traders of Kapalo Banda Tourism Village |
P11 |
|
Traders of Kapalo Banda Tourism Village |
P12 |
|
Youth Representatives |
P13 |
|
Youth Representatives |
P14 |
Table 2. Categories and subcategories in developing interview questions
|
Categories |
Subcategory of Interview Question Development |
Source |
|
Community participation and engagement |
involvement of all elements of the village, collaborative creation of community, participation, equality, inclusivity |
[44-49] |
|
Community development |
village community economy, community human resource development, village community welfare |
[50-54] |
|
Local management and governance |
village tourism governance, tourism village management, tourism village planning, control, organizing |
[55-59] |
|
Sustainable village tourism |
social and environmental tourism villages, tourism environmental protection |
[60-64] |
*Processed by a 2025 researcher
Interview questions were developed from previous CBRT studies and are divided into four main categories:
To reconstruct the conflict in 2015–2018, the researcher used retrospective interviews, analysis of Regional Regulation documents, and 12 minutes of related deliberative meetings, which allowed the researcher to identify differences in perspectives and the chronology of events.
3.4 Data analysis and data validity
Finally, data analysis was carried out by a systematic manual coding procedure using the MAXQDA application [65]. Data was obtained from the interview process with an audio recorder and several written notes, which were then converted into interview transcripts. After that, open coding is carried out to identify the initial concept, then axial coding is carried out to connect the categories that appear, and selective coding is carried out to be categorized in each concept of the research theme [66]. To ensure the validity and reliability of the analysis, source triangulation is used to double-check the data. The data collection process emphasizes the principle of triangulation of sources and methods to ensure the validity of the data obtained [67]. All interviews are recorded with the participant's permission and then transcribed verbatim to maintain the authenticity of the information and facilitate analysis. The researchers also verified membership by confirming the data interpretation with participants and holding discussion sessions with external researchers.
The tourist village of Kapalo Banda has several integrated areas, but with different types of tourist attractions. Tourism actors' income will increase during holidays. In an interview with P3 as the person in charge of the Kapalo Banda Tourism Village, the distribution of income from tourism results is divided by 60% for tourism management, 20% for Nagari, 10% for youth and 10% for social, "after the reopening of tourism in our village in 2018, we implemented a transparency system for all villagers to participate in the management, maintenance to profit sharing, one of which is the distribution of a few percent to the village (Nagari), village youth, and village social" (Interview with P3).
Furthermore, a religious tourist attraction called Surau Tuo, along with the tomb of Sheikh Ibrahim Mufti, which is a spiritual and cultural destination, attracts visitors, especially for religious purposes, such as fulfilling vows or doing religious practices (dhikr). This surau is grateful that it is famous everywhere from outside West Sumatra to come here to make a pilgrimage and reap vows (wishes) even some are far from Malaysia and Arabia, some are also together with several buses here, if the day is close to fasting, they can stay in a homestay and pilgrims stay in the courtyard of residents' houses", (interview with P4).
Figure 1. Landscape of water and natural tourism attractions of Kapalo Tourism Village, Banda Taram (Research Documentation 2025)
The management of this surau is based on tradition, rotating every three years among the designated Nagari Taram tribes, with special roles for the Imam (leader of prayer/worship) and Bilal (muazin/caller of the azan). This system includes the unique tradition of providing a burial place within the mosque complex for the manager who died during his tenure. "The change of guards here is in accordance with the tribe, everything is connected, we know each other, and also we stay here there is a sleeping room for cooking and others, for the matter of eating, don't worry because God willing, there are those who give their sustenance by giving bananas from their gardens, rice, chicken, other side dishes, the important thing is that we guards must be very grateful". (Interview with the grave guard 1). In addition, the Tuo surau, apart from being a place of worship, is also the burial place of Sheikh Ibrahim Mufti, a figure believed by the surrounding community to have helped spread Islam in West Sumatra (Figure 1).
So apart from the place of worship of the village community, this surau is also a religious tourist attraction for the wider community, as revealed by P5 "We are also grateful for the existence of this surau as well as the economy here indirectly also moves, sir, look at the front stalls or stalls around here when there are visitors who will buy something there is also at least mineral water, right, So a blessing also for all of us in this village". The arrival of visitors to Surau Tuo has had a significant positive economic impact, extending from the surrounding neighborhood to the local market area (Figure 2).
Furthermore, another tourist attraction, namely Kapalo Banda water tourism, operates with the main goal of increasing local economic prosperity. For water tourism, Kapalo Banda itself has strict rules for their tour managers. The managers, supervisors, and actors at this tourist attraction are all from the village of Kapalo Banda. This attraction is managed by 75 youths from the local community (Jorong Tanjung Ateh) Kapalo Banda. This aims to maintain trust in the management of local tourism villages." This tourism village is managed by 75 selected youths, and training is provided to ensure good service for future tourists. Whether these 75 will be exchanged or they will stop can be discussed, but we certainly ensure that the management is still held by the youth or the indigenous people of Kapalo Banda Taram" (Interview with P3).
4.1 Consensus of deliberation as a basis
The main finding is a strong collective consensus to develop tourism as a means of socio-economic improvement. As expressed by some community members (P7-P12): "All community members are united in developing tourism; we realize this is one way to advance the community's economy."
However, this support is explicitly conditional. As emphasized by key stakeholders (P1, P4, P6), this agreement is contingent on a non-negotiable commitment to safeguard Minangkabau identity, customs, and Islamic principles. A religious leader (P4) stated emphatically: "We support it, but of course, only those who travel and travel to Kapalo Banda must comply with Sharia and village customs... preserving religion and upholding customs is non-negotiable."
This balance is not considered a certainty but is actively managed through customary institutions of deliberation (deliberations aimed at reaching agreement). Decisions are not made through majority voting, but through a deliberative process involving all parties: the government, youth, religious leaders, and the community. As an old figure (P6) explained: "In our tradition, sitting together to discuss all problems and find solutions through consensus is the pillar of our brotherhood... This is how we reached a consensus, and this agreement was adhered to by all elements of society."
Furthermore, the community is aware that the natural potential of Taram village can be developed into a tourist village (see Table 3 of the original document for a detailed coding analysis). This creates support from all levels of society, enabling their villages to progress and prosper through the formation and development of jointly initiated tourist villages. This united attitude highlights the community's collective agency and the strategic decision to leverage local assets for economic development.
Table 3. Open coding and axial coding analysis
|
Fundamental Category |
Category |
Part of Concepts |
Part of Transcript Analytics |
|
The balance of the development of the tourism village and the wisdom of the religiosity of the village community |
Community participation and consensus |
The villagers support the existence of a tourist village area in their village. The community tries to create a balance between customs, religiosity and tourism economics |
"All communities are united in advancing tourism, we are aware that this is one way to advance the community's economy" "All circles of the community support the important progress of the village that we can achieve and prosper the community" "We support but of course people who travel and travel in kapalo banda must comply with the sharia and customs of this village" "There is what we call religious tourism how in the area of this tourist village there are tours for Muslim tourists. This is next to the kapalo banda water tourism" "We as religious leaders maintain that this religious tourism should not be eliminated, and actually we also have discussions with the youth who maintain the Kapalo Banda River tourism by maintaining the conduciveness of the entire area of this Kapalo Banda tourist village" "Dividing and agreeing together is not an easy matter but all of us Kapalo Banda people do deliberations together, sit together and understand what the will of the religious and government youth wants, consensus is obtained in a long period of time but still in deliberation to reach consensus and mutual agreement that will be obeyed by all elements of the village community" |
4.2 Strategic space zoning to prevent conflict
The concrete result of the analysis of these findings is the zoning of strategic spaces in the tourism landscape. The community consciously divides the Kapalo Banda area into three distinct and non-overlapping zones to prevent functional and cultural conflicts:
The balance between tourism and local values is reflected through concrete institutional and spatial strategies. The main finding was the establishment of a special "religious tourism" site, which operated in parallel and adjacent to the main water tourism attraction of Kapalo Banda. This spatial arrangement becomes a concrete representation of the integrative approach of the community, ensuring that the spiritual life remains a central and visible component of the tourism landscape. In addition, this balance is actively maintained through institutional dialogue between key actors of the community. Religious leaders (religious leaders) interact directly with the youth who manage the water tourism area to "maintain the harmony of the entire Kapalo Banda Tourism Village area". The village community divides the tourism area into two main zones, namely the religious zone and the nature-based zone. Religious tourism areas are dedicated to sites of spiritual significance, such as the "Surau" and the "Tomb of Sheikh Ibrahim Mufti," which play important cultural and religious roles. This is essential to preserve local heritage and to provide an opportunity for tourists to engage in the local community's spiritual practices. On the other hand, the natural tourism area focuses on the environmental aspects of Kapalo Banda, emphasizing activities such as hiking, wildlife watching, and water-based attractions. The community has identified these areas as vital to preserving the natural environment while enabling sustainable tourism development. This clear division into categories ensures that tourism does not compromise the village's spiritual and cultural integrity while providing opportunities for economic growth through ecotourism. By organizing tourism activities into these specific categories, communities can strike a delicate balance between modern development and the preservation of traditional values. This meticulous planning not only strengthens Kapalo Banda's identity but also ensures the long-term sustainability of both the community's cultural heritage and the tourism sector, making it a model for other regions looking to develop their own tourism while remaining true to their cultural roots (Table 4).
Table 4. Open coding and axial coding analysis
|
Fundamental Category |
Category |
Part of Concepts |
Part of Transcript Analytics |
|
Local Management and Governance |
Bottom-Up Governance and CBT in the Management of Kapalo Banda Tourism Village |
Tourism areas are divided by the community and approved by deliberation to divide according to the categories of nature recreation, water tourism, and religious tourism |
"We divide 2 areas of the Kapalo Banda tourist village, there is an area for religion and it is looked at by many people who are looking for inner peace, there are also those for water tourism where this tour takes advantage of the big river that we have to travel by swimming and bamboo boats and there are also camping and tracking tours that we make for nature tourism" "All tourist areas are maintained and do not overlap" "Surau Surau Tuo and the tomb of Syeck Ibrahim Mufti are our pride as Kapalo Banda people because Syeck Ibrahim Mufti is an Islamic broadcasting center in fifty city districts and West Sumatra" |
4.3 Social welfare and ecological philosophy of the tourist village of Kapalo Banda
The tourism model in the tourist village of Kapalo Banda has evolved into more than just an economic activity; it is a structured social movement aimed at creating long-term sustainability for its community. Not only does it focus on financial gains, but it also emphasizes the importance of wise resource management, in which every element of tourism is integrated with deep social and ecological values. One of the key aspects of this system is the application of the principles of the social circular economy, in which funds from the tourism sector are reinvested in community welfare. Through this mechanism, the Kapalo Banda tourism model ensures that the resulting benefits are not only enjoyed by certain individuals or parties but also equally by all members of the community. As expressed by the tourism manager (P3):
"For example, we have village ambulances and other supporting facilities for the community here, we also hold social activities and movements..... The money comes from the Kapalo Banda Tourism Village." The system also provides an economic safety net for farmers (P7-P9) during a poor harvest season. In addition, a portion of the revenue was donated to maintain religious sites, strengthening the link between economics and spiritual preservation (See Table 5 in the original document for a detailed coding analysis).
Table 5. Open coding and axial coding analysis
|
Fundamental Category |
Category |
Part of Concepts |
Part of Transcript Analysis |
|
Community Social Welfare |
Improving economy and well-being |
Tourism villages bring economic benefits and social welfare to the people of Kapalo Banda |
"Yes, we can see for ourselves that the existence of Kapalo Banda water tourism brings welfare and economy to the community" "Proof of the existence of water tourism is that the community has recreational places and brings economic benefits to the indigenous people of Kapalo Banda" "We can see that the existence of village tourism that is managed together brings prosperity, for example, there is a village ambulance, we also carry out social activities and also several social movements, that's the money from the existence of this Kapalo Banda tourist village" |
|
The creation of social movements in Kapalo Banda Village |
Social movements were created and the religiosity side was not lost with the existence of a tourist village in Kapalo Banda |
"It can be to empower the farming community here. If the agricultural products are bad, they can be traded in the water village of Kapalo Banda Some of the income from Kapalo Banda water tourism is donated to the surau surau tuo and the tomb of Syeikh Ibrahim Mufti: "Community income, according to the Kenagarian office that we have compiled, has increased from the past, only relying on agriculture, now it can penetrate into the homestay and trading business" |
|
|
Philosophy of Ecology and Sustainable Village Tourism |
Harmony between tourism, culture, and the nature of the community |
Nature conservation by the village community |
"We keep the nature of Kapalo Banda safe and sustainable. Apart from customs, this beautiful nature should not be damaged as much as possible" "We, the village apparatus, always socialize to the people of Kapalo Banda village to always keep our nature beautiful" "We as managers on the youth side also make natural tourist attractions where you can camp and also track and surround the nature of Kapalo Banda with jeeps, so we continue to protect this nature by opening tourism instead of being destroyed by nature" "The nature of Kapalo Banda is beautiful, so I feel that as a leader of this country, it can be highlighted for integrated natural tourism between nature, water tourism, and religious tourism" |
|
Traditional and cultural support |
"Noble rules teach us village communities not to be careless in behaving towards nature. Examples such as forbidden forests and forbidden rivers are a way to keep nature sustainable even though we are trying to open a tourism object in our village" "Alam Takambang Becomes a Teacher" has become a noble expression that continues to be held by the Minangkabau People in managing and seeing nature, so even though we open tourism objects, we still uphold the nature of nature and coexist with sustainable nature without damaging it" |
This system is at the heart of the sustainability of tourist villages, creating a pattern that not only maximizes economic benefits but also supports sustainable social and ecological aspects. In addition, the community's active participation in tourism management strengthens a sense of ownership and shared responsibility, thereby strengthening social bonds among community members. This approach also provides space for the younger generation to play an active role in village development, connecting local traditions with global needs and dynamics. Thus, Kapalo Banda not only creates an attractive tourist destination but also builds a sustainability model that other tourist villages can adapt to maintain a balance among the economy, society, and the environment.
Furthermore, this system is based on the Minangkabau ecological philosophy: "Alam Takambang Becomes Guru" (Nature that becomes a role model and teacher for humans). This view of local wisdom positions nature not as a resource to be exploited, but as a source of knowledge and ethics. This philosophy is implemented through customary rules such as "prohibited forests" and "prohibited rivers", which function as traditional conservation mechanisms. This philosophy is not only symbolic but also operationalized through established customary rules, such as the designation of prohibited forests. "Many of our traditional philosophies are related to nature conservation, such as don't cut down trees carelessly and then get angry with "inyiak" (a mythology that the Minangkabau people believe is seen as sacred, respected, and considered a protector of the forest). And the existence of prohibited fish, this is one of the ways to preserve nature, if you really want to make a tour and others, then try to respect nature and keep nature from being damaged" (interview with P6). Young tourism operators (P3s) also explicitly design their "back to nature" tours to reflect this, ensuring tourism becomes a means to reinforce, rather than weaken, traditional ecological practices.
4.4 Indigenous deliberation in Nagari Taram: Harmonizing tourism, religion, and culture
The findings from Kapalo Banda Taram make a significant contribution to the discourse on CBRT, especially in how communities can navigate the complex intersections among development, religion, and culture.
First, our key findings on the role of deliberation expand the literature on community participation. Although most of the CBRT literature focuses on the existence of participation [68]. Furthermore, our findings show that the form of how participation can exist and have an effect is important. The deliberation model is not simple participation; It is a sophisticated and institutionalized form of deliberative democracy [69]. This original deliberative process provides a more robust mechanism for conflict resolution and consensus-building than the symbolic or top-down participation model, which is often criticized in the tourism literature [70]. This is the mechanism that allows for the successful negotiation of values.
Furthermore, the village government, in this case the Wali Nagari (Village Head), does not hinder or create barriers in the planning and development of tourist villages. Village government can be seen as a facilitator of deliberative decision-making in the community. Coupled with a village community, or a still-homogeneous community, of course, it is easy to align the village's vision and mission with deliberative village development by the local community (See Figure 4).
In line with the Kapalo Banda community's concept, balancing religious and community tourism is crucial. This can be achieved by integrating community involvement and strategic planning. This involves recognizing the economic, social, and cultural dimensions of tourism and ensuring that development is aligned with community values and sustainability goals.
The integration of religious tourism into the local economy illustrates its potential to drive sustainable development. Furthermore, without participatory management from the involvement of local communities, there will be negative consequences for local tourism in the future. So it is necessary to engage in active community involvement in strategic planning for village tourism management. With the active participation of the community, a balance is created among the growth of tourist attractions, the community's welfare, and the maintenance of the village community's traditionality.
Second, the strategic spatial arrangement of sacred and recreational spaces provides concrete, workable solutions to conflicts over community values. Although other studies have documented these conflicts, our case demonstrates proactive, community-led governance strategies to manage them. This spatial negotiation is a concrete manifestation of the deliberative process, in which the community affirms its value by defining the physical boundaries of tourism.
This respect for nature is closely intertwined with spatial governance and cultural heritage. The spatial arrangement in Taram reflects a deep respect for ancestral heritage, especially religious sites that are a source of communal pride as the historical center of the spread of Islam in the West Sumatra region. This confirms the research [71], which understands and recognizes the limitations of the spatial characteristics of cultural and tourism spatial spaces, can avoid the retention of local customs. In addition, this link between ecology and spirituality affirms the view in political ecology that states that the landscape is never neutral, but is shaped by power relations, history, and cultural values [72].
Third, the principle of "Alam Takambang Becomes a Teacher" describes the power of Indigenous Peoples' Ecological Knowledge (IEK) as the foundation of sustainable practice. The Kapalo Banda model shows that sustainability is not "additional" but embedded in an existing cultural-ethical framework. This supports the argument that IEK provides a more resilient and authentic foundation for conservation and ecotourism than externally imposed regulations [73]. Furthermore, a sustainable tourism village must be developed by creating opportunities within the village community itself. The Kapalo Banda Tourism Village is an intrinsic creation from within the community itself. When the youth managers design ecotourism attractions such as tracking or nature exploration, they are not just "selling nature". Instead, they invite tourists to participate and understand their perspective on nature itself. This is a form of tourism that goes beyond just economic transactions, becoming a medium of intercultural dialogue on environmental ethics [74].
Finally, the evolution of tourism revenues into "village social welfare" (ambulance funding, social projects, and religious sites) demonstrates an institutionalized model of community empowerment, in which tourism has become a tool to strengthen collective social and spiritual capital. The village government acts as a facilitator, while traditional/religious leaders and youth organizations jointly manage development through centralized deliberative consensus. The findings that tourism revenues are being reallocated to social facilities, such as village ambulances and religious activities, show that tourism has transformed from a mere economic activity into a driving force for collective well-being. This is in line with the theory of Community Empowerment, where the community is not only an object of development but also an active subject that independently controls and distributes benefits. The Taram model goes beyond the general concept of CBT, which is often limited to profit-sharing, towards a circular social economy in which economic benefits directly strengthen the community's social and spiritual capital.
The study concludes that the rural community of Kapalo Banda Taram has successfully navigated the complex dilemma between economic development and cultural preservation. Contrary to the common view that tourism inevitably erodes traditional values, this research suggests that customary governance can actively strengthen community resilience. The success of this model is not a coincidence, but rather is structurally supported by three integrated pillars:
First, Deliberation as the highest planning authority replaces top-down instructions with consensus-based decision-making. This ensures that every step of development is aligned with the community's values.
Second, Strategic Space Zoning serves as a conflict-prevention mechanism. By strictly separating "sacred" religious zones from "profane" recreational areas, communities proactively manage tourists' views, protecting their spiritual sanctuaries while maximizing the economic benefits of the designated area.
Third, the study found that communities have transformed tourism revenues from personal gain into a collective social safety net. By reinvesting the revenue into village ambulances, the preservation of religious sites, and the social welfare of the community.
Finally, this study argues that participation alone is not enough; The community needs a strong deliberative institution to act as a "value filter". For policymakers and regional planners, the study suggests that sustainable rural development cannot be achieved through a standardized master plan. Instead, policies should focus on legalizing traditional space zoning and supporting local circular economy models, as demonstrated in Kapalo Banda Taram, to ensure that tourism serves the community, not the other way around.
We would like to extend our gratitude to those who have supported this research, particularly the entire community of Taram Kapalo Banda Village. Furthermore, this research was funded by the Research and Community Service Institute of Padang State University with contract number 1214/UN35.15/LT/2023.
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