Ethnozoological Knowledge and Human Nature Relationship: A Comparative Study of Animal Use among Three Ethnic Groups in North Sulawesi, Indonesia

The rapid loss of global biodiversity underscores the urgent need for comprehensive documentation of traditional ethnozoological knowledge, which provides a vital foundation for culturally informed conservation planning and sustainable wildlife management [1]. Indonesia is recognised as the most biodiverse country in the ASEAN region [2], with ecological diversity distributed across a vast archipelago encompassing both terrestrial and marine environments [3]. Among its major islands, Sulawesi is particularly significant, exhibiting exceptionally high levels of floral and faunal endemism shaped by a complex geological history and long-term isolation [4]. Within this ecologically distinctive landscape, long-standing interactions between human communities and the ecosystem have developed over centuries [5].

Administratively, Sulawesi is divided into six provinces comprising 81 districts and municipalities [6]. North Sulawesi, one of these provinces, is inhabited by multiple ethnic groups, with the Minahasa, Bolaang Mongondow, and Sangihe-Talaud forming the demographic core. The Minahasa people occupy most areas of North Sulawesi and are traditionally divided into nine subgroups. The Bolaang Mongondow communities are primarily distributed in the western part of the Minahasa mainland, while Sangihe-Talaud people inhabit the smaller northern islands. Migration and interregional movement have resulted in the wider dispersal across the main island and the surrounding archipelagos, which comprise 294 islands, although not all are inhabited [6]. Other ethnic communities, including Gorontalo, Suwawa, Bolango, Atinggola, and Mongondow, are also present.

The geographical and cultural settings of the Minahasa, Bolaang Mongondow, and Talaud communities provided a compelling context for examining the human-fauna relationship. The Minahasa people, who primarily inhabited the main island, were historically engaged in hunting, agriculture, and trade, which shaped distinctive patterns of animal use [7]. In contrast, Bolaang Mongondow communities occupied both mountainous and coastal landscapes, resulting in diverse interactions with terrestrial and aquatic fauna [8]. Meanwhile, the Talaud communities on remote northern islands developed a close relationship with marine resources integral to their ecological surroundings [9, 10].

Culturally embedded knowledge shapes how communities perceive, classify, and utilise animal and plant resources, contributing to a cultural legacy that reflects ecological knowledge and shared social values [11-15]. Animals have been shown to play a particularly prominent role within this cultural landscape. Their representations in art, folklore, and religious ceremonies offered insight into how societies interpreted and valued the natural world [11]. Specific species are often embedded in community myths or associated with moral teachings and spiritual meanings. Traditional practices, including hunting, animal husbandry, and the preparation of animal-based medicines, further illustrate the enduring and intimate relationships between humans and their surrounding environments [12].

Previous ethnobiological studies in North Sulawesi have documented among specific ethnic groups, such as the Minahasa [16, 17], Bolaang Mongondow [18, 19], and Sangihe-Talaud communities [20, 21]. These studies, however, generally focused on single cultural domains (e.g., medicinal or food use), often emphasising plants rather than animals, and were limited to specific localities. As a result, systematic comparisons of animal use across multiple domains remain less studied. Consequently, knowledge on how cultural practices influence wildlife management, species selection, and multifunctional roles of fauna is fragmented and poorly integrated [22]. The communities maintain rich cultural traditions and ethnozoological knowledge related to animal use, much of which is orally transmitted by elders, customary leaders, and cultural practitioners, rendering it vulnerable to loss [23, 24].

To capture this complexity, animal use in the present study was categorised into six interconnected cultural domains, adapted and modified from previous ethnozoological frameworks [11]. These domains included food, ritual, mythology, art, symbolism, and traditional medicine. Together, they reflect the multiple ways in which animals are embedded in cultural practices and belief systems. Based on this framework, the objective of the present study was to document, analyse, and systematically compare ethnozoological knowledge among Minahasa, Bolaang Mongondow, and Talaud communities, thereby contributing to broader discussion on human-nature dynamics in biodiversity-rich regions. The study examined similarities and differences in animal use across cultural domains and explored the ecological and cultural factors shaping this diversity. The findings were organised by domain and discussed in relation to their implications for cultural continuity, wildlife conservation, and forest ecosystems management in North Sulawesi.

A total of 74 animal species were traditionally utilised across the three ethnic groups. These species comprised Mammalia (33.78%), Aves (28.38%), Reptilia (17.57%), Actinopterygii (9.46%), and Insecta (4.05%), while other classes, including Sarcopterygii, Amphibia, Gastropoda, Chilopoda, and Malacostraca, each accounted for 1.35% of the total species recorded in this study. Based on their functions, the species were classified into six categories of use: food (40 species), ritual (5 species), mythology (25 species), art (23 species), symbolism (16 species), and traditional medicine (16 species). Several species fulfilled more than one functional role and were therefore included in multiple use categories (Figure 2).

The use of animals as food represented the most dominant form of human–fauna interaction across the three ethnic groups, with 32 species recorded in Minahasa, 18 in Bolaang Mongondow, and 5 in Talaud. These values represent the number of edible species reported within each ethnic group, and some species were shared among groups and therefore may appear in more than one ethnic group. The mythology or omen category ranked second, with 18 species documented in Minahasa and 15 in Bolaang Mongondow and 1 in Sangihe-Talaud, underscoring the symbolic and cosmological roles attributed to animals within local belief systems. The art category was particularly prominent in Minahasa, where 20 species were recorded, reflecting the widespread incorporation of animal motifs and materials in carvings, ornaments, and traditional performances. This pattern suggested that artistic expression played an important role in maintaining and transmitting animal symbolism as part of cultural identity (Figure 3).

Figure 2. Chord diagram showing the relationship between animal species and utilization categories

Figure 3. Comparison of the number of species and traditional uses in each ethnic group

The majority of the recorded species were wild animals (72.97%), while the remainder were domesticated species (27.03%), calculated from the species data listed in Table A1 in the Appendix. This pattern indicated a relatively high reliance on wild fauna within local cultural systems to meet daily needs. Wildlife originating from diverse habitats, including forests, rivers, coastal areas, and marine environments, was utilised not only as food resources but also as elements within belief systems and cultural expressions.

A total of 27 species (36.48%) were endemic to Sulawesi, indicating a strong connection between region-specific fauna and the cultural systems of local communities. Endemic species such as the Celebes crested macaque (Macaca nigra), Gursky’s spectral tarsier (Tarsius spectrumgurskyae), Sulawesi babirusa (Babyrousa celebensis), Sulawesi fruit bat (Acerodon celebensis), and the maleo (Macrocephalon maleo) were frequently referenced in myths, folklore, and traditional symbolism. These species were commonly attributed with spiritual and symbolic meanings, functioning as protective symbols or indicators of natural and environmental change.

Analysis of conservation status indicated that 24 species (32.43%) were classified as Vulnerable (VU), Endangered (EN), or Critically Endangered (CR) according to the IUCN Red List, while 29 species (39.19%) were listed as protected under the Indonesian Minister of Environment and Forestry Regulation No. 106 of 2018. Among the recorded taxa, the lowland anoa (Bubalus depressicornis), mountain anoa (Bubalus quarlesi), Sulawesi babirusa (Babyrousa celebensis), Celebes crested macaque (Macaca nigra), maleo (Macrocephalon maleo), and several marine turtle species, including Chelonia mydas and Eretmochelys imbricata, were identified as having high conservation priority.

The following section presents the ethnozoological knowledge identified in this study. The results are reported sequentially across the main categories: animals as food, animals as ritual elements, animals associated with specific myths, animals as inspirations for local crafts, animals represented in symbols and emblems, and animals used as ingredients in traditional medicine.

3.1 Animals as food

A total of 40 species were recorded as being consumed, with mammals representing the dominant group (55%), followed by Aves (17.5%) and Actinopterygii (12.5%). No substantial differences were observed in patterns of animal consumption by taxonomic class among the three major ethnic groups, with mammals consistently representing the most frequently consumed class.

Figure 4. Some examples of forest wildlife used as local food: (A) Asian water monitor (Varanus salvator), (B) Sulawesi fruit bat (Acerodon celebensis), (C) White-tailed Sulawesi rat (Maxomys hellwaldii), (D) Reticulated phyton (Malayopython reticulatus)

The contexts of animal consumption were further classified into three categories: daily subsistence, special occasions such as important holidays or Thanksgiving feasts, and traditional ceremonies or rituals. Wildlife used for daily consumption was obtained either through hunting activities in forested areas or through purchase at traditional markets. Animals sold in these markets were commonly sourced from nearby localities as well as from other regions, including central and southern Sulawesi. The most frequently consumed species included the Sulawesi fruit bat (Acerodon celebensis), white-tailed Sulawesi rat (Maxomys hellwaldii), Asian water monitor (Varanus salvator), and reticulated python (Malayopython reticulatus) (Figure 4).

Overall, patterns of animal consumption among the Minahasa, Bolaang Mongondow, and Talaud communities reflected complex and culturally significant human-fauna relationships. The findings demonstrated that food choices were not merely determined by taste or preference but reflected deep entanglements between consumption practices, value systems, local ecological knowledge, and community adaptation to social and environmental change [28, 29]. Consumption, therefore, did not function solely as a culinary activity but operated within a normative system that regulated who was permitted to consume particular animals, under which conditions, and through specific preparation methods [23]. These practices formed a dynamic cultural mosaic in which acts of consumption were shaped by symbolic meanings, customary norms, and contextual factors of space and time.

Within ceremonial and ritual contexts, several animal species occupied central roles as cultural markers and symbolic mediators expressed through consumption. The Sulawesi warty pig (Sus celebensis) and domesticated red junglefowl (Gallus gallus domesticus) represented prominent examples. The warty pig was an essential component of Kumanlaker, or “big meal”, a communal thanksgiving feast among the Minahasa, and was also required in Mongundam Konlippu, a protective ritual practiced by the Bolaang Mongondow. The domesticated red junglefowl was used in divination practices in both ethnic groups, although distinct symbolic rules applied. In Minahasa, the use of salt was prohibited when preparing the bird for the Rumarages ritual, whereas in Bolaang Mongondow, the junglefowl used in the Mongimanuk ritual was required to be black. These contrasting practices indicated that while spiritual purposes were broadly aligned, cultural expressions were shaped by community-specific norms. This illustrated how a single species could hold parallel meanings while being enacted through different ritual procedures.

Beyond ritual contexts, food categories associated with special occasions and daily consumption also revealed clear variations. In Minahasa, selected species such as the Sulawesi fruit bat (Acerodon celebensis) and white-tailed Sulawesi rat (Maxomys hellwaldii) were regarded as prestigious delicacies reserved for Kumanlaker, restricting their consumption to sacred celebratory moments. In contrast, rail species (Rallidae), including the buff-banded rail (Hypotaenidia philippensis), barred rail (Hypotaenidia torquata), and purple swamphen (Porphyrio porphyrio), were commonly consumed as daily food, although hunting techniques differed between Minahasa and Bolaang Mongondow communities. Differences in perceived value were also evident for the Celebes longfin eel (Anguilla celebensis), which was regarded as an ordinary food item in Minahasa but considered a prestigious dish in Talaud. These contrasts demonstrated that value was not inherent to the animal itself but was socially constructed through ecological availability, location, and cultural context [23].

Shifts in social and regulatory contexts also resulted in notable changes in consumption practices. Several species that were formerly consumed, including the Celebes crested macaque (Macaca nigra) and anoa (Bubalus spp.), were no longer eaten due to their protected status. This transition illustrated the influence of conservation policies on traditional food practices [30, 31]. At the same time, new forms of consumption emerged. In Bolaang Mongondow, domestic cattle (Bos taurus indicus) became obligatory dishes during wedding celebrations, while domestic goats (Capra aegagrus hircus) were incorporated into Islamic rituals such as Aqiqah or ceremonial haircutting of newborns, adapted to local customs. These patterns reflected ongoing processes of acculturation in which religious norms and contemporary celebrations were integrated with existing traditions rather than replacing them [32].

Overall, consumption practices reflected the dynamic characteristics of local cultures in responding to external pressures, including conservation regulations, changes in resource availability, and evolving religious and economic values. Consumption functioned as a space where tradition and change intersected, while simultaneously reinforcing cultural identity. The selection of species, timing of consumption, and use of specific preparation techniques, such as cooking with coconut milk, preparing soups, grilling or roasting, and distinctive local methods including rica-rica or garo rica, rinthek wu’uk, and masak buluh, reinforced connections between food, symbolism, and community. Viewed collectively, these patterns demonstrated that animal consumption among the three ethnic groups in North Sulawesi extended beyond the act of eating. It functioned as a cultural mechanism through which continuity was maintained while allowing space for adaptation to changing social and environmental conditions.

3.2 Animals as ritual elements

The findings indicated that ritual practices involving animals were more prevalent among Minahasa communities than among the other ethnic groups examined. Several of these practices were still actively performed, while others had undergone shifts in meaning as a result of the influence of incoming religions and broader social and ecological changes. Each species involved in ritual contexts carried a distinct symbolic role, functioning as an offering in ceremonial events, a medium for divination, a form of spiritual protection, or an indicator of social status during communal celebrations, depending on the cultural setting. These patterns highlighted the diversity of ritual functions and illustrated how communities continuously negotiated their relationships with both the social environment and the spiritual realm.

Figure 5. The Rumarages ritual using a domesticated red junglefowl (Gallus gallus domesticus) (A) Slaughtering a chicken for its blood, (B) The chicken blood offering ceremony at Waruga Lotta, Pineleng, Minahasa

The most dominant ritual pattern identified in this study was associated with divination or fortune-telling practices. A number of animals were employed as divinatory media within ritual contexts that followed highly specific rules and procedures. One prominent example was the domesticated red junglefowl (Gallus gallus domesticus). Among the Minahasa, this species was used in the Rumarages ritual (Figure 5), in which the direction of the bird’s head after slaughter was interpreted as an omen for future events.

The individual selected for this ritual was required to be bright red in colour (locally referred to as ko’ko randang), with a body that was completely intact and free from physical defects. In addition to junglefowl, the Sulawesi warty pig (Sus celebensis) and the domestic pig (Sus scrofa domesticus) also played central roles in divinatory practices. These species were required in Tumembo, a ritual in which the pig’s heart was split and symbolically “read” to convey messages related to prosperity, safety, and well-being.

Another culturally significant species was the endemic Minahasan owl known locally as the “Manguni” (Otus manadensis). This species was regarded as one of the most sacred and emblematic animals for the Minahasa community and had been adopted as a symbol of regional identity. Within ritual contexts, the Manguni owl functioned as an auditory medium for divination in practices known as Kumatau or Tumalinga si ko’ko (listening to the voice of the Manguni). When the owl vocalised between nine and twenty-one times, the calls were interpreted as conveying a message regarding the suitability of a location for settlement or the anticipated future of a community.

Beyond divinatory practices, another prominent ritual pattern identified in this study was associated with offering rituals that embodied concepts of total sacrifice and negotiation with the spiritual realm through the use of animals. The notion of total sacrifice was reflected in the Rumaha ritual, in which a domestic dog (Canis familiaris), often a companion animal of the household, was sacrificed as a symbol of sincerity during the construction of a new house. In this ritual, the dog’s blood was applied to specific corners of the building as a protective and symbolic marker, while its meat was consumed in a restricted manner by selected ritual participants, including the owner. This practice illustrated how emotional bonds, sacrifice, and spiritual intentions were intertwined within the material and symbolic dimensions of ritual life.

The concept of negotiation with the spiritual realm was reflected in the Mongundam Pombarroy ritual, in which a Maleo egg (Macrocephalon maleo) was offered whole, without being cooked or otherwise processed, to non-human spiritual entities. This practice represented a form of negotiation and co-existence with beings perceived to inhabit the supernatural domain, in which the integrity of the offering was considered essential to its symbolic efficacy. Another ritual pattern identified in this study involved the use of animals as symbolic agents of atonement within the socio-cultural life of the community. Among the Talaud ethnic group, cases of kawin sumbang or consanguineous marriage required a ritual in which a white chicken was slaughtered. The blood of the animal was symbolically applied to sever existing kinship ties, thereby allowing a man and woman who shared a blood relation to be socially and ritually permitted to marry. This practice illustrated the role of animals as mediating agents of atonement and as instruments for restoring social order. The sacrifice of the white chicken marked a symbolic rupture of kinship relations while simultaneously creating a culturally legitimate space for the marriage to proceed. In this context, the animal’s blood functioned as a marker of purification and status transition, indicating that customary sanctions were not solely punitive in nature but also served as mechanisms for reconciliation and the restoration of family honour.

It is important to note that much of the ritual knowledge documented in this study was esoteric and accessible only to specific individuals or groups. At present, this knowledge appears to be at risk of erosion. The expertise required to interpret a pig’s heart in Tumembo or to read the vocalisations of the Manguni owl in Tumalinga si ko’ko was held by only a small number of practitioners and was typically transmitted through particular familial or ritual lineages. This situation pointed to the vulnerability of local knowledge systems in the face of modernisation, religious transformation, and intergenerational shifts in worldview [1]. These findings underscore the urgency of documenting and safeguarding such forms of intangible cultural heritage, particularly those that remain closely embedded in ritual practice and oral transmission.

3.3 Animals carrying special myths or omens

Field data indicated that the 25 animal species associated with myths or omens functioned as symbolic references and interpretive markers within community life. Taxonomically, these species were distributed across six major groups, including Aves (12 species), Mammalia (5 species), Reptilia (5 species), Insecta (2 species), and Chilopoda (1 species). This composition demonstrated that birds were most frequently linked to mythic and omen-related interpretations, followed by mammals and reptiles, while the remaining groups were represented in smaller numbers.

The data on myths and omens revealed a complex system of local knowledge in which animals functioned as signs and mediators in the relationships between humans, the spiritual realm, and the social environment. Within this system, the Minahasa and Bolaang Mongondow communities were identified as possessing particularly rich and well-developed interpretive traditions related to animal presence and behaviour. One of the most prominent forms of omen-related knowledge documented in this study involved auditory-based divination practices, which emerged as a distinctive cultural feature.

Among the Minahasa, the vocalisations of the Manguni owl (Otus manadensis) were interpreted as conveying specific meanings based on four recognised call types. These included Mahwanguni (a normal call) and Maapi (a high-pitched call), both of which were interpreted as signs of favourable events, as well as Karengkom (a low-pitched call) and Rawoy (a faint or soft call), which were associated with warnings or impending misfortune. A comparable interpretive system was identified within the Monarrenga tradition of Bolaang Mongondow, where the calls of birds, particularly the same owl species (O. manadensis) and the Lesser Coucal (Centropus bengalensis) were used to anticipate future events, including the outcomes of local political processes. In this context, interpretations were based on variations in sound volume, intensity, and timing.

Another species closely associated with auditory divination was the Minahasan masked owl (Tyto inexspectata), whose calls were interpreted in relatively consistent ways across the three ethnic groups. The intensity of its vocalisation, together with the direction of its flight, was commonly understood as a sign indicating birth, death, or social disruption. In addition, the grasshopper (Orthoptera) was identified as an animal whose sound carried divinatory meaning, although interpretations varied according to spatial context. Sounds produced from outside the house were interpreted as signs of impending misfortune, whereas calls originating from within the house were understood as indicating the presence of ancestral spirits that required respect. Collectively, these auditory-based practices underscored a high degree of cultural sensitivity to the acoustic environment and illustrated how natural phenomena were transformed into a coherent and socially shared interpretive framework [33, 34].

In addition to sound-based signs, communities also possessed knowledge related to animals whose physical presence was interpreted in multiple ways across symbolic and practical contexts. Species frequently associated with such interpretations included the black snake or Sulawesi black racer (Ptyas dipsas), fruit bats (Pteropus spp.; Acerodon spp.), and the Asian water monitor (Varanus salvator). From a more pragmatic perspective, the appearance of the Maleo bird (Macrocephalon maleo), the black cat (Felis silvestris catus), and again the black snake (P. dipsas) was associated with specific environmental indicators, particularly among the Bolaang Mongondow community.

Within symbolic belief systems, the appearance of a black snake among the Minahasa was interpreted as a sign of ancestral presence. Fruit bats were associated with different meanings across groups: among the Minahasa, their presence was believed to convey ancestral messages, whereas among the Bolaang Mongondow, the nocturnal sounds and movements of fruit bats were interpreted as indications of potentially harmful human activity near settlements. The Asian water monitor was consistently regarded across all three ethnic groups as an omen of misfortune when it entered a house. Although the species could be consumed in other contexts, individuals encountered within domestic spaces were not eaten. Instead, they were killed and discarded, and in some cases, households performed small protective rituals to neutralise the perceived negative implications of the encounter.

From a pragmatic standpoint, the appearance of black snakes, Maleo birds, and black cats in certain locations was interpreted by the Bolaang Mongondow as an indicator of gold deposits in the surrounding area. This practice may be understood as a form of locally grounded environmental interpretation derived from long-term observation and accumulated ecological experience, in which recurring associations between animal presence and landscape features informed practical decision-making.

Overall, knowledge related to myths and omens in North Sulawesi exhibited two interrelated dimensions. While such knowledge has often been framed externally as superstition or as a remnant of past belief systems, within the communities, it functioned as a living and adaptive body of understanding through which people interpreted uncertainty and made sense of their environment. For a segment of traditional society, these interpretive frameworks continued to inform everyday decisions, ranging from personal concerns to broader social and environmental circumstances.

3.4 Animals as local craft inspiration

Field investigations documented 23 animal species that were incorporated into local arts and crafts, either as direct material components of craft products or as visual inspirations expressed through carved motifs and decorative representations. These species belonged to several taxonomic classes, including Mammalia (9 species), Aves (5 species), Reptilia (6 species), Actinopterygii (2 species), and Gastropoda (1 species). The use of animals in artistic practices was grouped into three main forms: the direct use of animal body parts, the creation of replicas or motifs inspired by animals, and the incorporation of animal elements into tools or household objects.

Direct use was illustrated by the incorporation of the skull of the Sulawesi crested black macaque (Macaca nigra), the tusks of the Sulawesi babirusa (Babyrousa celebensis), and the feathers of domestic junglefowl (Gallus gallus domesticus) as ornaments on Kabasaran attire among the Minahasa. Deer antlers (Rusa timorensis) were also displayed decoratively in the homes of Bolaang Mongondow households, where they functioned as markers of prestige and social standing.

The study also recorded the use of elephant ivory fashioned into bracelets worn by Tonaas (traditional leaders). As Sulawesi has no native populations of either the Asian elephant (Elephas maximus) or African elephants (Loxodonta spp.), the ivory used for these ornaments originated outside the island. Historical accounts from the Portuguese and VOC periods documented those traders from Makassar and Ternate. Within this historical context, ivory bracelets likely functioned as symbols of status among Walak (heads of sub-tribes) and Tonaas. In Minahasan social life, bracelets made from rare materials such as gold, bronze, and ivory were commonly worn on the upper arm or wrist during customary ceremonies and symbolized honour, wealth, and connections to wider regional and international trading networks.

Figure 6. Some examples of animal-inspired crafts: (A) Owl carving, (B) Deer skin drum, (C) Bentenan Minahasa woven fabrics, (D) Deer antlers as decoration

Animal replicas and motifs were also widely represented in carvings depicting the endemic Minahasan owl Manguni (Otus manadensis), tarsiers (Tarsius spp.), and several turtle species (Caretta sp.; Chelonia sp.; Eretmochelys sp.; Lepidochelys sp.; Dermochelys sp.). These motifs appeared in handicraft souvenirs as well as in the patterns of Bentenan woven textiles characteristic of Minahasa. In addition, animals were incorporated into tools and musical instruments. Notable examples included the shell of the giant triton trumpet (Charonia tritonis), locally known as Bia, which was used as a wind instrument by the Bantik people (a Minahasan sub-ethnic group) in Talaud; deer skin (R. timorensis), which was used as the membrane of traditional drums; and horn bone from the anoa (Bubalus spp.), which was utilized in local fishing-net equipment in Bolaang Mongondow (Figure 6).

Taken together, these practices revealed a consistent pattern in which animals were not perceived solely as material resources but as culturally meaningful elements that expressed relationships with nature, spirituality, and collective identity. Comparative analysis further indicated similarities in the species used as craft materials by both the Minahasa and Bolaang Mongondow communities, particularly the anoa (Bubalus spp.), the knobbed hornbill (Rhyticeros cassidix), and the Timor deer (R. timorensis). These shared practices were interpreted as reflecting ecological proximity, overlapping access to natural resources, and participation in comparable networks of knowledge exchange and social prestige. Such parallels were likely shaped by long-standing hunting traditions and intersecting cosmological frameworks that informed each group’s relationship with the natural world.

In contemporary contexts, the use of animals in arts and crafts, especially in the production of replicas and souvenirs, has undergone a gradual shift in meaning. Tourism-driven economic opportunities and increasing conservation awareness have redirected the primary function of these objects from expressions of spiritual significance and internal social status to aesthetic commodities intended for external audiences. Souvenirs depicting tarsiers or Bentenan textiles featuring Manguni motifs were increasingly produced as travel mementos rather than as direct expressions of local cosmology.

Furthermore, the introduction of regulations protecting endangered species such as the babirusa and the anoa encouraged material substitution. Wooden or resin replicas have largely replaced the use of original animal parts. Rather than indicating a loss of cultural value, this transition reflected an adaptive process through which cultural meanings were renegotiated in response to changing ecological, legal, and socio-economic conditions.

3.5 Animals with symbols and emblems

Field investigations documented 16 animal species used as symbols and emblems across communities and regions. These representations appeared in logos and insignias, as well as in motifs, carvings, and decorative objects. Taxonomically, the species were grouped into Mammalia (4 species), Aves (8 species), and Reptilia (4 species). Five prominent patterns were identified in the symbolic use of animals. These included animals representing social status and leadership, symbols of strength and protection, markers of professional or social roles, symbolic elements embedded in ritual and transcendent belief systems, and sources of moral teaching. Each pattern encompassed several species, and some animals appeared across multiple categories, reflecting the layered nature of symbolic meaning.

Within the domain of social status and leadership, species such as the anoa (Bubalus spp.) and the knobbed hornbill (Rhyticeros cassidix) were consistently selected as emblems of authority and prestige. The anoa was interpreted as a symbol of physical strength and leadership legitimacy. This symbolism was expressed through the placement of its horns on Minahasan Kabasaran ceremonial headdresses, on Bogani (traditional leader) statues in Bolaang Mongondow, and in carved motifs on ancient stone tombs (Waruga). The knobbed hornbill, represented through both male and female beaks in Kabasaran attire, was associated with wisdom and loyalty—qualities considered essential for leadership. In addition, the white-feathered junglefowl functioned as a symbol of leadership acting on behalf of nature, reinforcing the cosmological dimensions embedded within local social structures.

Animals were also widely employed as symbols of strength and protection. Body parts such as horns, tusks, and skulls were incorporated into ceremonial attire and weaponry. The tusks of the Sulawesi babirusa (Babyrousa celebensis) and bracelets bearing black snake (Ptyas dipsas) motifs worn in Kabasaran dress were interpreted as sources of physical strength and spiritual protection. Similarly, skulls of hunted animals such as the anoa, babirusa, and Sulawesi crested black macaque (Macaca nigra), attached to necklaces, signified the wearer’s identity as a hunter while also functioning as talismans symbolizing resilience and vigilance.

Animals further served as markers of professional or social identity in historical community contexts. This role was evident in carvings on Waruga, which functioned as visual records of the deceased’s occupation. Motifs depicting the Asian water monitor (Varanus salvator) and dogs (Canis familiaris) indicated individuals associated with hunting, whereas carvings of chickens represented livelihoods related to animal husbandry. These symbols were not merely decorative; they acted as biographical markers documenting social roles and contributions during an individual’s lifetime.

Within ritual and transcendent belief systems, several animals were regarded as intermediaries between humans and the spiritual realm. The Manguni owl (Otus manadensis) was believed to convey prayers and messages to the Divine, particularly through rituals such as Tumalinga si ko’ko, in which its presence or vocalisations were interpreted as signs of cosmic approval. Beyond ritual contexts, the Manguni owl also functioned as an emblem for religious institutions, including the Christian Evangelical Church in Minahasa (GMIM), and for several governmental entities across North Sulawesi. The black snake likewise carried transcendent symbolism. In Waruga carvings, the snake was interpreted as a vehicle transporting ancestral souls to the afterlife, reflecting cosmological beliefs linking the earthly and spiritual realms.

Finally, animals served as sources of moral instruction conveyed through proverbs and traditional counsel. The reproductive behaviour of the maleo bird (Macrocephalon maleo), which leaves its eggs unattended, inspired the Bolaang Mongondow expression dikadeana nin tuwanggoy, reminding parents not to neglect their responsibilities in child-rearing. Similarly, the Yellow-billed Malkoha (Phaenicophaeus calyorhynchus), known for looking back before moving forward, functioned as a metaphor for caution and adaptability, particularly for young people preparing to leave their home communities.

3.6 Animals as traditional medicine ingredients

Field studies identified 16 animal species used as ingredients in traditional medicinal practices. Taxonomically, these species were classified into Mammalia and Reptilia (7 species each), as well as Actinopterygii and Chilopoda (1 species each). Several recurring patterns characterised their medicinal use.

One notable pattern involved the use of animals in live or raw forms to treat specific illnesses, particularly respiratory conditions such as asthma. The house gecko (Hemidactylus frenatus) and the white-tailed rat (Maxomys hellwaldii) were used as remedies for respiratory problems by swallowing them alive. Only small individuals were used, and in the case of rats, newborns rather than adults were required. Another species consumed in raw form was pufferfish (Tetraodontidae), whose liver was believed to accelerate recovery following medical treatment. These practices reflected a belief that the therapeutic properties of animals were most effective when used in an unprocessed state.

A second pattern concerned the use of animals to enhance vitality and male adult health. Species commonly associated with this purpose included the anoa (Bubalus spp.), reticulated python (Malayopython reticulatus), Asian water monitor (Varanus salvator), and saltwater crocodile (Crocodylus porosus). Body parts such as anoa horns, python bile, monitor lizard meat, and crocodile genital organs were prepared as medicinal dishes or remedies. These animals were believed to enhance stamina and fertility, reflecting symbolic associations with strength and masculinity.

One of the most distinctive practices documented was the use of dog limbs (Canis lupus familiaris) as a traditional remedy for fever and malaria in children. The preparation involved cleaning and boiling the dog’s legs at high temperatures to produce a decoction. This practice was still practiced among the Minahasa and Talaud communities and was believed to address immune-related illnesses commonly affecting children.

In addition to ingestion-based treatments, several animals were processed into topical oils used to treat skin conditions and muscle cramps. Species included the Asian water monitor (V. salvator) and the giant centipede (Scolopendra subspinipes). These oils were applied to relieve itching, swelling, and soreness. In some cases, particularly among Talaud communities, the preparation process incorporated ritual elements. For example, coconuts used as mixing ingredients were required to be “peeled by a wild boar,” a symbolic condition believed to impart spiritual efficacy to the oil. This illustrates that traditional medicinal practices were not solely therapeutic but were deeply embedded within symbolic and spiritual frameworks.

Despite their cultural significance, these practices face increasing challenges related to species conservation and public health. Several animals used in traditional medicine, such as the anoa and the Sulawesi crested macaque, are legally protected. In addition, the consumption of live or raw animals poses potential risks of zoonotic disease transmission [35, 36]. A balanced and integrative approach is therefore needed to reconcile cultural continuity, public health considerations, and biodiversity conservation. Further scientific research is required to evaluate the efficacy of these traditional remedies, which remain based on oral knowledge and accumulated community experience. Nonetheless, the documented practices provided valuable insights into culturally informed pathways through which traditional knowledge could be ethically and ecologically integrated with modern medicine and pharmacology.

These patterns suggest that animal use among local communities operated within adaptive cultural systems, in which cultural practices simultaneously mediated subsistence needs and regulated human–fauna interactions through informal governance mechanisms.

This study demonstrated that fauna in North Sulawesi played complex and multifaceted roles in the lives of the Minahasa, Bolaang Mongondow, and Sangihe–Talaud communities. Six ethnozoological domains were identified: food, ritual, myths or omens, arts and crafts, symbols, and traditional medicine. Overall, the findings indicated that human–animal relationships in this region extended well beyond the fulfilment of physiological needs and were deeply embedded within cultural systems, belief structures, and locally grounded ecological knowledge.

The use of animals as sources of food reflected an adaptive system of food-related knowledge shaped by environmental conditions and seasonal availability. Animals were perceived not merely as sources of protein, but as resources whose use was regulated through customary norms and ecological awareness. This system contributed to long-standing food security and illustrated the close relationship between communities and their surrounding environments. In spiritual contexts, animals occupied central positions in ritual practices, where selected species were believed to mediate relationships between humans, ancestors, and supernatural forces, thereby reinforcing collective identity and cultural continuity.

Several animals were associated with myths or omens that influenced everyday behaviour and decision-making. The presence, movement, or vocalisations of particular species functioned as locally embedded systems of environmental interpretation, assisting communities in navigating uncertainty. These beliefs were not treated simply as inherited narratives but as practical knowledge integrated into daily life. From an aesthetic and material perspective, animals also served as sources of inspiration and raw materials for local crafts. Animal forms and body parts were transformed into ornaments, carvings, textiles, and other artistic expressions that carried both cultural and economic value, reflecting technical skills as well as a deep appreciation of local fauna.

Certain species further functioned as symbols representing moral and social values. Attributes such as courage, loyalty, wisdom, and responsibility were associated with particular animals, allowing them to operate as moral metaphors within community life. Through these symbolic associations, animals contributed to the transmission of ethical principles, the reinforcement of social structures, and the preservation of local philosophies. The use of animals in traditional medicine likewise reflected a rich body of ethnomedical knowledge developed through long-term observation and experience. Preparations derived from specific animal parts were based on culturally grounded understandings of therapeutic efficacy, illustrating how healthcare practices were aligned with available natural resources.

Although similarities and differences were observed among the ethnozoological practices of the Minahasa, Bolaang Mongondow, and Sangihe–Talaud—shaped by geography, subsistence histories, and processes of cultural change—the shared foundation of local wisdom is increasingly under pressure. Modernization, weakening intergenerational knowledge transmission, and habitat degradation affecting key species have contributed to the declining use or disappearance of several culturally important animals. These findings highlight the urgency of systematic documentation and the careful integration of traditional knowledge into contemporary conservation frameworks. Approaches that combine community participation, cultural revitalization, and species protection (such as community-based management initiatives and improved regulation of wildlife exploitation) offer important pathways for sustaining both biodiversity and the cultural systems that depend upon it.

Theoretically, this study contributes in two principal ways. First, it provides a systematic cross-ethnic comparative ethnozoological dataset for North Sulawesi by documenting animal uses across six domains (food, ritual, omens, arts/crafts, symbols, and medicine) and by mapping how similar taxa acquire divergent meanings across Minahasa, Bolaang Mongondow, and Sangihe–Talaud. Second, it clarifies the cultural logic of multifunctional animal utilization, showing how single species can simultaneously operate as food, moral symbol, ritual mediator, and therapeutic resource, thereby linking subsistence practices with ethical order and customary cosmology.

Practically, the findings offer a culturally grounded basis for species-focused conservation and management, particularly for endemic and/or threatened fauna that are embedded in local practices. By identifying culturally salient species and the contexts in which they are used, the study enables targeted recommendations, such as prioritizing community-led monitoring and habitat protection for high-risk taxa, promoting culturally acceptable substitution pathways where protected species are involved (especially in medicinal and ritual contexts), and aligning customary stewardship mechanisms with existing conservation regulations, so that conservation interventions protect both biodiversity and the social institutions through which wildlife management is locally enacted.